Canoanele bisericii ortodoxe floca pdf

 

    Ioan n floca Canoanele Bisericii Ortodoxe pdf. Uploaded by. C. Mircea Sebastian . Download with Google Download with Facebook or download with email. ioan n. floca - Canoanele Bisericii olerivatcu.ga - Free ebook download as PDF File .pdf) or view presentation slides online. Canoanele bisericii ortodoxe floca pdf. Found 65 Apartments in Patchogue,. New York - Integration with online services CS Live. dll,LaunchSetup.

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    Canoanele Bisericii Ortodoxe Floca Pdf

    Twentieth Century Rumania, 2nd ed. New York: Columbia University Press, . Floca, Ioan N. Canoanele Bisericii Ortodoxe. Sibiu, Romania: Polsib, Institutului Biblic şi de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Române, , p. Ioan N. Floca, Canoanele Bisericii Ortodoxe (The Canons of the Orthodox. Floca et al., Floca, Arhid. Prof. PhD. John N. (). Canoanele Bisericii Ortodoxe. Note şi comentarii, Sibiu: Third Edition. Google Scholar. Gheorghescu .

    The principle of ecclesiastical autocephaly The principle of ecclesiastical autocephaly and the problems of inter-orthodox jurisdiction. An actual ecclesiological and canonical contribution Ph. Lecturer Iulian Mihai L. Cuza nr. Aleea N. Iorga, Bloc A 53, Sc. Although there were — and still are — numerous dissension regarding the institution of autocephaly and the ecclesiastical jurisdictions, all canonists accept that the interpretation of the canons that concern the principle of autocephaly and the other principles in tight connection it can be realized only in the light of the historical data, data which must also be related to the orthodox canonical doctrine [2]. As the Romanian orthodox canonist Fr. Liviu Stan [3] noted, the new theses [4] issued at the half of the 20th century, besides their provocative character in Orthodoxy, ignored the dogmatic and canonical principles of the Orthodox Church, through these contesting the very canonicity of the proclamation acts of autocephaly by the ancient patriarchates.

    Sometimes we have the impression that we are killed, without being followed, or the neighbour is killing us and the blood covers us until we wake up. We see nothing in the middle of this turbulence, because these things mean nothing. Those rejecting the knowledge are like that, appreciating that the knowledge does not mean anything.

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    Anyway, they do not consider anything else as real. They behave like in dreams […]; this is the behaviour of a person without knowledge; as asleep. In exchange, the one with knowledge is like an awaken person. When the Father will be known, the emptiness will disappear [ From that moment, the Kingdom Session 1. Most marriages at the time were carried out between partners coming from within the locality, or from neighbouring localities and very seldom from far localities.

    In this latest case, most youngsters were looking for partners belonging to the same confession. It was not the reserve, but the fact that most of them had no opportunity to get in contact with individuals from outside the locality, or with individuals resident far from their village.

    So, we can also consider this impediment of the restricted area from where the marital selection was made as a constraint of the time.

    Another aspect that should be kept in mind is the aspiration to a certain social status. An important constraint, or, on the contrary, a strong determination against a mixed inter-confessional family came from the families. There are several cases when the parents opposed to such marriages. Last but not least, the need to belong to a joint family with parents made young people respect the decisions imposed upon them.

    As mentioned before, a strong pressure against achieving a mixed marriage came from the church. Both parishes to which the youngsters belonged had to be consulted. In order to have a religious marriage, they needed an engagement exemption from the archpriest they came weeks, even months late, there were situations when the marriages were not accepted, so there would be no exemption. However, both the State and the Church wished to stop this phenomenon, so they took steps in this area.

    Social mentality on the level of the community, family, church, or school, was not accepted and they did not want to disturb it. The Romanians both Orthodox and Greek-Catholics , mostly farmers, depended on the land, so their mobility was very limited. The Romanian villages, as well as others, were closed societies. Here were preserved all the norms of traditional life.

    The customs were intact. We have to mention that at the time, the issue of mixed marriages generated several debates amongst the representatives of different confessions. By adopting the Austrian general Civil code and the marriage law, they tried to regulate the issue of mixed marriages. Through they laws adopted in and the establishment of civil status offices belonging to the State, they sought to put an end to the divergences amongst confessions by imposing State control over this phenomenon.

    Obviously, such a context influenced to a certain extent the evolution of marital strategies.

    Marriage was considered a fundamental, sacred, divine, non-recurring act, a sacrament, just like birth and death. Marriage was granted such a value precisely to defend family life from human whims, from heathen religious influences, so that the family might keep its economic, social, and cultural role. By analysing the confessional structure of mixed marriages carried out in the area studied by this survey, we can see a strong relation in two directions: - The first one is the spiritual affinity between the Roman-Catholics and the Greek-Catholics.

    No less than Out of the total number of mixed marriages, 2, marriages representing The high rate of this kind of marriages was mainly due to national and traditional confessional affinities several Romanians — parishioners of both confessions — could not perceive the differences between the two Romanian confessions.

    These were followed by GC-CH marriages Considered somehow normal most of the parishioners belonging to the two confessions were Hungarian the RC-CH marriages were the next preference expressed at the time cases representing 7. Ethnicity also proved to be a determining factor in the development of the marriage. The phenomenon of preserving ethnical identity is obvious in the case of both Romanian confessions. When choosing their partners from another confession, the young Greek-Catholics chose a partner of Orthodox confession to an extent of On the other hand, young Orthodox chose the Greek-Catholic option to an extent of Thus, the option of a Romanian partner was the first after their own confession in the case of both communities.

    As far as the Hungarians were concerned, ethnic determinism is as obvious, although not to the same extent. An ethnic affinity between the Roman-Catholics and the Protestants may be noticed in several areas we have investigated. This affinity that we are about to discuss is brought to the foreground when one of the communities was in minority as compared to a third confession usually Romanian.

    The strong preservation of national identity may be noticed in the case of the Slovak communities in the area of the Barcau valley. It was the same ethnic determinism that brought together the Evangelical Germans to the Roman-Catholic ones. Due to dispersion and the strong Hungarisation process the Roman-Catholic Swabians were subject to, the preservation of ethnic identity through marriage was less possible.

    This was mainly due to the small number of communities of the kind; they were also subject to consanguinity. Nevertheless, in several Swabian localities in the area of Satu Mare or at Palota Santandrei commune , there were features of a marital behaviour that supported the survival of some isolated communities. At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, this world was traditional; there were few professional options, most of the inhabitants being involved in agriculture.

    As a consequence, when speaking about socio-professional determinism in choosing a marriage partner, we have to consider that most young people that were getting married had rural professions. On the other hand, the socio-professional component was more active in the urban area and in environments dominated by the Roman-Catholic, or Protestant, population.

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    Despite the small number of options, we believe that socio-professional determinism was still very important. The social and professional status undoubtedly played an important role in achieving and settling a family.

    A large-scale survey of the phenomenon has led to the conclusion that where there were better socio-professional options, their determinism over marriage could be very important.

    As far as civil status was concerned, socio-professional determinism proved to be very important in several cases. Most marriages were concluded between partners getting married for the first time. The relations between the two factors acting upon marriage may be identified when debating the case of marriages involving widowers or divorcees. All these are susceptible to condition, or favour, a new marriage.

    This phenomenon was more obvious amongst men, but it could be seen amongst women, too. An older widow with a good material situation inherited from the late partner with whom she managed to gather a certain wealth married a much younger partner, usually unmarried, coming from a poor family.

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    These had to accept the existing options. The age of the partners also conditioned most marriages, as expected. Social deviances of any nature were considered with scepticism, while moral and religious perceptions were defining social and societal norms at the time. In this sense, there was a whole attitude and behaviour range meant to prevent the appearance of such situations. Thus, the community regulated the whole mechanism that ensured the respect for social order and norms through constraints and determinisms.

    At the time, families of the two young people did no longer have full control over the act of marriage. If previously marriage had been decided exclusively by the families of the youth, in which case feelings of true love came in second, young people had the opportunity to choose their partner.

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    Despite this radical change of mentality, community still had the gauge to control the act of forming a new family. This control was more obvious in the countryside, where the features of a traditional life were more powerful, and frailer in the city, where relations between the family usually nuclear and the community were based on other norms.

    From another perspective, the idea of couple was very relative. Ethnographical surveys have shown that the inhabitants of traditional villages were more or less united in family social life, yet they were always related to the community.

    The support of the community was very strong considering the omnipresent death dislocating families and making them vulnerable. Family was somehow the victim of this reality. However, the individual lived beyond the family, in the social community of the family group they belonged to and more. Family solidarity depended on economic crises, on the need to move for season labour; sometimes season migration was definitive.

    In this last case, the solidarity of the family increased the phenomenon generated by settling in a new community. There were also personal emancipation, exclusion from legacy, migration to the city, new professions, etc.

    Against the background of the economic changes at the end of the 19th century, a phenomenon associated with industrialisation, urbanisation and medical evolution, new deep behaviour mutations appeared.

    Women emancipated, their position and status acquired a new form. Against the background of the erosion of behaviour and traditional mentalities, the family changed too and led to the appearance of new forms and patterns. External Conditionings and Marital Strategies Language:. As appears to St. Paul and Dionysius, the angels, in a medieval metaphysical reading, could be assimilated with intermediate steps. Universals are intermediate steps between the Being alone, always the same and equal to itself, and Existence which born and perishes.

    The great, dramatic issue of Greek philosophy was to think how we can shift from what it is to what is determined, from One to multiple. One of the platonic dialogs, Parmenides, part 2, which sets the program of metaphysics, discusses the problem of transferring individual things into universals — without this dialog Metaphysics would be void of program.

    Immanence, im- in, manes- to stay in, calls the fact of being of the in-self-ness. This being in, from, staying in, keeping in, etc. On the narrow basis of where the mathematics leads, it reaches an unexpected but definite conclusion. Keywords: Immanence, transcendence, omnipresence, monotheism, universe, metaverse, wave function of the universe I.

    In olden times, the implicit default assumption was often that of transcendence - i. This unspoken assumption of transcendence gave rise to the observance of all kinds of hallowed places and mementos and relics which God was deemed to have somehow visited or indwelt at some point, as opposed to a much vaster ruck of more ordinary objects and places where God was not thought to ever bother with. Most likely, transcendence became the natural default assumption because monotheism arose well before the modern era of widespread cleanliness and hygiene, and nothing godlike could be easily surmised in the ordinary surrounding squalor of pre-modern times.

    Whether one assumes transcendence or immanence has a very direct bearing on what or who God can or cannot possibly be. Different people and cultures may hold very different notions of Godhood, and, so as to perhaps obviate conflict and also paper over areas of uncertainty, many spiritual traditions still frown upon or forbid outright delving into the question of who God could be.

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